The Lord Privy Seal (Baroness Smith of Basildon) (Lab) My Lords, I
will repeat a Statement made by the Prime Minister yesterday on the
anniversary of the attacks on 7 October and on the Middle East. The
Statement is as follows: “Today we mark a year since the horrific
attack on Israel by the terrorists of Hamas. It was the bloodiest
day for the Jewish people since the Holocaust—a day of sorrow, a
day of grief. Over 1,000 people were massacred, with hundreds
taken...Request free trial
The Lord Privy Seal ( of Basildon) (Lab)
My Lords, I will repeat a Statement made by the Prime Minister
yesterday on the anniversary of the attacks on 7 October and on
the Middle East. The Statement is as follows:
“Today we mark a year since the horrific attack on Israel by the
terrorists of Hamas. It was the bloodiest day for the Jewish
people since the Holocaust—a day of sorrow, a day of grief. Over
1,000 people were massacred, with hundreds taken hostage, in an
attack born of hatred, targeted not just at individuals but at
Jewish communities, at their way of life and at the State of
Israel—the symbol of Jewish security to the world. Fifteen
British citizens were brutally slain that day. Another has since
died in captivity. Our thoughts today are with Jewish people
around the world, the Jewish community here in the UK and all
those we lost a year ago.
For so many, the pain and horror of that day is as acute today as
it was a year ago. They live it every day. Last week I met the
families of British hostages and of those killed on 7 October. I
sat with them as they told me about their loved ones. I will
never forget their words. Mandy Damari spoke of her love for her
daughter Emily. She said:
‘my personal clock stopped at 10:24 on the 7th of October',
the moment when Emily sent a desperate, unfinished message as
Hamas attacked her kibbutz. She is still held captive today. We
can hardly imagine what hostages like Emily are going through,
nor what their families are going through—the agony day after
day. So I say again: the hostages must be returned immediately
and unconditionally. They will always be uppermost in our minds.
I pay tribute again to the families for their incredible dignity
and determination.
Today is also a day of grief for the wider region, as we look
back on a year of conflict and suffering. The human toll among
innocent civilians in Gaza is truly devastating. Over 41,000
Palestinians have been killed, tens of thousands orphaned and
almost 2 million displaced, facing disease, starvation and
desperation without proper healthcare or shelter. It is a living
nightmare and it must end. We stand with all innocent victims in
Israel, Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon and beyond, and we stand
with all communities here in the United Kingdom against hatred of
Jews or Muslims, because any attack on a minority is an attack on
our proud values of tolerance and respect, and we will not stand
for it.
With the Middle East close to the brink, and the very real danger
of a regional war, last week the Iranian regime chose to strike
Israel. The whole House will join me in utterly condemning this
attack. We support Israel's right to defend herself against
Iran's aggression in line with international law. Let us be very
clear: this was not a defensive action by Iran; it was an act of
aggression and a major escalation in response to the death of a
terrorist leader. It exposes once again Iran's malign role in the
region. It helped equip Hamas for the 7 October attacks. It armed
Hezbollah, which launched a year-long barrage of rockets on
northern Israel, forcing 60,000 Israelis to flee their homes, and
it supports the Houthis, who mount direct attacks on Israel and
continue to attack international shipping.
I know the whole House will join me in thanking our brave
servicemen and servicewomen, who have shown their usual courage
in countering this threat, but make no mistake: the region cannot
endure another year of this. Civilians on all sides have suffered
far too much. All sides must now step back from the brink and
find the courage of restraint. There is no military solution to
these challenges, so we must renew our diplomatic efforts.
Together with my right honourable friend the Secretary of State
for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs, I have had
discussions with the leaders of Israel, Lebanon, Jordan, the
Palestinian Authority, the G7 and the European Union, and made
the case at the United Nations for political solutions and an end
to fighting.
In the weeks ahead, we will continue this work, focused on three
areas. The first is Lebanon, where our immediate priority is the
safety of British citizens. Our team is on the ground, helping to
get people out. We have already brought more than 430 people home
on chartered flights, and we stand ready to make additional
evacuation efforts as necessary. I again give this important
message to British citizens still in Lebanon: you must leave now.
We are also working to ease the humanitarian crisis in
Lebanon—last week we provided £10 million of vital support, in
addition to the £5 million we are already providing to UNICEF—but
the situation cannot go on. We will continue to lead calls for an
immediate ceasefire and for the return to a political plan for
Lebanon based on Security Council resolution 1701, which requires
Hezbollah to withdraw north of the Litani river. They must stop
firing rockets and end this now, so that people on both sides of
the border can return to their homes.
Secondly, we must renew efforts for an immediate ceasefire in
Gaza, but we cannot simply wait for that to happen. We must do
more now to provide relief to the civilian population. That is
why we have restarted aid to the United Nations Relief and Works
Agency. We are supporting field hospitals and the delivery of
water, healthcare and treatment for malnourished children, but
the ongoing restrictions on aid are impossible to justify. Israel
must open more crossings and allow life-saving aid to flow.
Crucially, Israel must provide a safe environment for aid
workers. Too many have been killed, including three British
citizens. Israel must act now, so that, together with our allies,
we can surge humanitarian support ahead of winter.
Thirdly, we must put in place solutions for the long term, to
break the relentless cycle of violence. The ultimate goal here is
well understood: it must be a two-state solution. There is no
other option that offers stability and security. We need to build
a political route towards it, so that Israel is finally safe and
secure, alongside the long-promised Palestinian state. This
requires support for the Palestinian Authority to step into the
vacuum in Gaza; it requires an urgent international effort to
support reconstruction; and it requires guarantees for Israel's
security. We will work with our allies and our partners to that
end, but the key to all this remains a ceasefire in Gaza now, the
unconditional release of the hostages, and the unhindered flow of
aid. That is the fundamental first step to change the trajectory
of the region.
Nobody in this House can truly imagine what it feels like to
cower under the bodies of your friends, hoping a terrorist will
not find you, mere minutes after dancing at a music festival.
Nobody in this House can truly imagine seeing your city, home,
schools, hospitals and businesses obliterated, with your
neighbours and family buried underneath. It is beyond our
comprehension, and with that should come a humility. It is hard
even to understand the full depth of this pain, but what we can
do is remember. What we can do is respect and listen to the
voices that reach out to us at these moments, and what we can do
is use the power of diplomacy to try to find practical steps that
minimise the suffering on the ground and work towards that
long-term solution, so that a year of such terrible and bloody
conflict can never happen again. That is what we have done on
these Benches, it is what the whole House has done, and it is
what the Government will continue to do. I commend this Statement
to the House”.3.31pm
(Con)
My Lords, I thank the noble Baroness for repeating this important
Statement. Yes, she did indeed speak for the whole House when, in
the most graphic and moving tones, she invoked the horror of that
terrible day and all the victims: dead and still alive and,
frankly, those who will never forget, so long as they live, the
heinous frenzy of terror committed last 7 October by Hamas. We on
this side share every sentiment she expressed about that horrific
day.
As my right honourable friend the leader of the Opposition said
yesterday, this was a
“modern pogrom—the worst loss of Jewish life since the second
world war”.
It was, as he said,
“a horrendous reminder of the antisemitism in our world and the
existential threats that Israel faces[”.—[Official Report,
Commons, 7/10/24; col.
25.]](/search/column?VolumeNumber=&ColumnNumber=25&House=1&ExternalId=2A25DCDC-B810-42F9-9D52-40A099AAA14D)
Like the noble Baroness, in particular our thoughts are with
those British families who lost loved ones and with the family of
Emily Damari, our innocent compatriot still held hostage by
Hamas. We hear that many hostages are being held to shield the
frankly worthless life of the vicious and cowardly killer Yahya
Sinwar. Can the noble Baroness give us our latest assessment of
whether Sinwar is still in control of Hamas?
Did the noble Baroness see the despicable remarks of the Supreme
Leader of Iran? In calling yet again for the total eradication of
the State of Israel, he declared, about 7 October and the rape,
slaughter and hostage-taking, that it was a “correct move”. A
correct move, my Lords? Palestinians, he said, had every right to
do this. Such sentiments, in my judgment, have no place in the
civilised discourse of mankind. Can the noble Baroness tell the
House whether the Iranian chargé d'affaires was called in by the
Foreign Secretary to condemn that repulsive endorsement of the
events of 7 October, and what the Prime Minister so rightly
described in the Statement as a wholly illegal “act of
aggression” by Iran against Israel in support of terrorists?
We on this side fully endorse the noble Baroness's remarks that
Israel has every right under international law to defend itself
against the aggression by the Iranian regime and its paid
proxies. Like her, we salute those in our own Armed Forces who
have played and who, right now, as we speak, are still vigilantly
playing a part in protecting Israel and the right of free
navigation on the high seas.
No one wishes to see an escalation of this conflict. It has gone
too far and too long. Matters could be solved far more speedily
if Iran and its terrorist proxies ended their threats to destroy
Israel and the raining of terror and rockets on Israeli
civilians. Another unprecedented attack on Haifa by Hezbollah was
reported today. The activities of this axis of terrorists have
caused untold and avoidable suffering to peoples across the
Middle East—Jew, Muslim and Christian; Iranian, Israeli, Arab and
Palestinian. These actions must cease.
Much concern was expressed yesterday—as it should be every
day—about anti-Semitism in the United Kingdom. According to the
Metropolitan Police's official statistics, there has been a
fourfold increase in anti-Semitic crime since 7 October.
Nationwide, 2,170 anti-Semitic incidents have been reported since
last 7 October. I know the whole House will agree with me when I
say there is no place for anti-Islamic or anti-Semitic actions in
our country. Does the noble Baroness think that more could be
done to protect our Jewish community and make all Jews feel safe
in our country?
I very much welcome the humanitarian support to Lebanon that the
noble Baroness reported, as well as the support to Palestinians
who are suffering so grievously in Gaza. In light of the Prime
Minister's call for all British citizens to leave Lebanon, can
the noble Baroness assure the House that His Majesty's Government
are doing everything in their power to ensure that British
nationals are being helped to leave? I welcome the news that 430
have come home. Can the noble Baroness tell the House how many
British nationals we believe may still be left in Lebanon?
Let me be very clear: Israel has the right to defend itself
against the existential threat from Hezbollah in Lebanon.
Hezbollah is a terrorist organisation proscribed by our
Government. Israel has a right to eliminate terrorists who
threaten its right to exist. I agree with the noble Baroness that
Hezbollah should have implemented UN Security Council Resolution
1701. The nature of its leadership can be seen by the fact that
in 2006 it promised to abide by that resolution and to withdraw
north of the Litani. Instead, they filled the whole area with
hundreds of thousands of missiles, underground fortifications and
the infrastructure of vicious, militant terror. The leaders who
broke those undertakings have paid a heavy price. Of course, I
support the sentiments in the Statement for a ceasefire and an
end to hostilities but, at this moment, one has to ask what trust
Israel could have in the words of Hamas or Hezbollah.
The road to peace may, regrettably, be long and difficult, though
I support the Government's intention to strive with every sinew
to achieve it. Peace will never come about without guarantees of
the security of the State of Israel. The best benefit to the
great Palestinian people, who are suffering so much, would be the
peace and security that could and must follow from that security
for Israel.
As the world becomes more dangerous, with war in Ukraine and the
Middle East, the Conservative Party will support Israel and our
other allies in the Middle East and around the world. This is not
a time for weakness. I am grateful for the noble Baroness's
resolute condemnation of the events of 7 October and her
unqualified expression of solidarity with Jewish people
everywhere. I expected no less. So long as this Government
support Israel's right to self-defence and the search for a just,
secure and sustainable peace, they can count on our support.
(LD)
My Lords, I too thank the Leader for repeating the Statement.
Today, we mark an extraordinarily sombre anniversary. The
barbarism of the Hamas attack was almost beyond imagining, and
our thoughts today are very much with Jewish people, wherever
they may be—not just in recognition of the sorrow and grief felt
by those directly affected but because the events of 7 October
were only the start of a year of fear and anxiety for the entire
Jewish community, wherever they live, which continue to this day.
Of course, it has also been a horrendous year for the Palestinian
people in Gaza and the West Bank, as well as for the population
of Lebanon, which now finds itself engulfed in a cycle of
increasing violence and destruction.
The last 12 months have amply demonstrated that the British
Government's ability to influence events in the region is
limited. Neither Israel, Hamas, Hezbollah nor Iran is exactly in
the mood to be told what to do by the United Kingdom. But that
does not mean that we should do nothing. The Statement mentions
three areas where we can and are doing something distinctive, and
where we might do more.
First, we can do more to aid the innocent populations of Gaza and
Lebanon. In the case of Gaza, we are now funding UNRWA again,
which is most welcome. The Statement is unclear about how much
our new commitment to UNRWA amounts to and how far this provision
of aid is constrained by our financial resources and how far by
the unjustifiable Israeli restrictions on the flow of aid into
Gaza. Can the Leader clarify this? What is the Israeli
Government's response to our requests for the opening of more
crossings and the provision of a safe environment for aid
workers?
Secondly, on Lebanon, the Government are now providing £15
million of support, but this is a small fraction of the £200
million that we were providing in 2019, when obviously there was
nothing like the level of devastation that now prevails. Will the
Government accept that £15 million, though helpful, is plainly a
very small drop in the ocean? Will they commit to increasing
it?
Thirdly, the Government have supported Israel militarily in
countering the bombardment it suffered from Iran last week. We
are sympathetic to this support, but the Statement is totally
silent on the form it took, and the Government have been unclear
about its limits. At a point when Israel is clearly contemplating
a military response to the Iranian attack, it would be helpful if
the Government could confirm that the military support they give
to Israel in the future will continue to be limited to defensive
purposes.
We can and should do everything possible to fight hatred of Jews
or Muslims in the United Kingdom. Attacks on both communities
have increased greatly in the last 12 months. Passions have been
inflamed and, although the situation in the UK will inevitably
remain more tense as long as there is severe conflict in the
Middle East, calmer voices can and must prevail. In a number of
places, faith leaders from Jewish, Muslim and Christian
communities have come together to deliver messages of unity in
their localities, not least in schools. Such initiatives are
hugely important, and we should do whatever we can, as
individuals, to support them in the places where we live.
The last year has seen an escalating cycle of violence and
destruction across the Middle East, and it seems quite
conceivable that this cycle has some way to run. However forlorn
it may seem today, we need to redouble our efforts to get the
hostages released, to achieve a ceasefire in Gaza and Lebanon,
and to add impetus to the political process, with the aim of
establishing a two-state solution. Unless and until these aims
are achieved, we will inevitably see more death and destruction.
Peace and stability in the region seem further away today than
ever, but we must continue to do all we can to replace today's
despair with a more positive hope for the future.
of Basildon (Lab)
My Lords, I thank both noble Lords for their comments and for the
tone of those comments. I think we all feel the weight of what
has happened upon us. Many of us have met families of the
hostages—I met Mandy Damari in your Lordships' House just before
the Conference Recess—and you can almost feel the weight of their
dignity and their suffering; it is sort of physical and you
wonder how on earth people can cope under those circumstances. I
think the tone of both noble Lords reflected our understanding of
the pain and trauma they are going through.
Noble Lords are also right to say that under any criteria, there
is no justification at all for the attacks that took place on
Israel on 7 October. It is hard to see how anybody, including the
Supreme Leader of Iran, can seek to justify such comments. It
must be understood that Hamas will have known that Israel would
have to defend itself, and the horror that would be unleashed in
the region as a result. It is deeply shocking. There is no route
to peace of any kind—temporary, long-lasting or an eventual
two-state solution—that does not involve international diplomacy.
That is the only way forward to try to find a resolution to
protect people in the region.
Both noble Lords made the point that what is happening in the
region is played out in the streets of the UK. Up and down our
country, people have been subject to attacks and abuse for being
either Jewish or Muslim, and I think everybody in this House will
totally and utterly condemn such abuse and attacks. The comments
of the noble Lord, , about the tone of the debate
that takes place, both in your Lordships' House and in our
communities, are very important. I pay tribute to those who have
reached beyond their own communities and across the divide,
understanding the problem that it is causing within their
areas.
I turn to specific points raised by both noble Lords. They will
realise that Hezbollah is a proscribed organisation and is
treated as such. We all utterly condemn its actions: that is why
it is proscribed. How can Israel trust Hezbollah or have trust in
progress towards peace? It is precisely because there is no trust
that international efforts are so important. The noble Lord,
, made the point that the UK is
but one voice and that working with partners across the world is
the only way that any progress can be made. That is why the Prime
Minister has had so many meetings with leaders across the region
and others to try to build that coalition, to bring pressure to
bear and to do what we can to bring about an initial cease- fire
in Gaza but also to protect those in Lebanon.
I do not have the exact number of British nationals remaining in
Lebanon. More than 500 have been brought out so far. There are
still commercial flights, but about 500 have been brought out,
plus the 430 on the chartered flights. We will continue to do
that. We have been saying for over a year to those in Lebanon, as
did the previous Government—the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad, is
nodding at me, because he recalls saying it—that they should
return home and that we will facilitate and give support as best
we can. Their safety is clearly a deep priority for us.
The noble Lord, , asked for details of our
operations in support of Israel. I say to him that all defensive
operations are in line with international law and always will be.
He will understand that I will not give any further information
than that, but I can give him that assurance.
The key point is, and both noble Lords expressed this succinctly
and very sincerely, that we must work across nations to bring
people together and be steadfast in our support for the security
of Israel, for security in the region but also for the
humanitarian aid that is so essential to civilians who are
suffering and dying now. We have to work internationally to
achieve that or no progress will be made. I am grateful for their
support for the Statement.
3.49pm
(Con)
My Lords, I have been to Kfar Aza kibbutz and seen for myself the
dreadful, terrible devastation which occurred on October 7, and I
have visited the town of Sderot both before and after October 7
and seen a terrible difference. The Statement referred to Emily
Damari, the only British hostage remaining in Gaza, whose mother
I had the privilege of meeting last week. Would the Leader tell
us what specific action His Majesty's Government are taking,
through Qatar or other intermediaries, to try to secure her
release? In view of the part played by Iran in fomenting violence
across the region, and the remarks of the Supreme Leader to which
my noble friend referred, will the Government reconsider their
decision not to proscribe the IRGC?
of Basildon (Lab)
Clearly, Emily's mother had the same effect on the noble Lord as
she had on me when I met her. We must try to understand how she
must feel, with not knowing. When I spoke to her, she had not
heard from her daughter for some considerable time. Not knowing
is almost worse than understanding what is happening. Some of the
reports of Emily's bravery are quite incredible; that will become
evident and hopefully she can be returned home. Ongoing efforts
using every means appropriate to ensure that Emily comes home to
her family are being taken by the Government. That is an ongoing
process.
The issue about the IRGC is under review. It is sanctioned and
that will continue. The noble Lord will know that there is never
ongoing reporting back or dialogue on these issues, but it is a
matter under constant review. We will do everything we can to
ensure that we take the appropriate action in that regard.
The Lord
My Lords, I thank the Minister for her very compassionate and
clear Statement and the tone in which it was delivered. I also
thank other noble Lords who have spoken and no doubt those who
will speak about these terrible, terrible events and the effect
they are having on our own communities.
On Sunday evening I was privileged to take part in the
anniversary of the last day of relative peace, in a large
community and interfaith vigil in Oxford, for Oxford and
Oxfordshire. Despite terrible weather, well over 200 people came
together, drawn from the Muslim, Jewish and Christian
communities, as well as those from other faiths and those of no
faith. We listened to our local council leaders, civic leaders
from the county, the vice-chancellors of our two universities and
other representatives of the community. It was an enormous
encouragement and comfort to see the way in which different
sections of the community were able to come together and make a
stand for peace, in remembrance and lament for all that has been
lost, and in a common commitment to community cohesion.
As other noble Lords have said already, this is a particular
conflict that places almost unique strains on our own communities
in the United Kingdom. Will the Minister say what the Government
are doing and plan to do in the future to encourage this deeper
and greater community cohesion, as these stresses no doubt
continue in the year to come?
of Basildon (Lab)
I thank the right reverend Prelate for his comments. Indeed, we
had a vigil, or a meeting, in your Lordships' House in a
Committee Room yesterday, where Members of both Houses came
together—those of all faiths and none. I pay tribute to those
across the country who have organised such vigils, particularly,
as the right reverend Prelate said, as it was very wet, rainy,
cold and miserable when they were doing it. It is an expression
of strength and solidarity and it shows that we can achieve
that.
I know that this is one of the issues that my noble friend , the Faith Minister, is
interested in: bringing faiths together not just in times of
conflict but as a general understanding in our communities. In
areas where faiths work together and churches reach out,
community cohesion is stronger as a result. So we need to look
beyond this conflict, as well. As important as it is now, it is
also important that community cohesion through faith
communities—involving those of all faiths and none—is an ongoing
process. We should never lose sight of how important it is, and
the contribution it can make to strengthening our
communities.
(CB)
Do the Government share the deep alarm of so many in this country
that on this weekend, the anniversary of the heinous attack on
Jewish people in Israel, many felt emboldened to march through
our capital with clear displays of support for Hezbollah, an
organisation committed to the violent eradication of Israel? The
Government—the Prime Minister, the Home Secretary and
Ministers—showed commendable focus through the riots in combating
the extremism we saw in our towns. Will they bring a similar
commitment to root out this evil extremism in our
communities?
of Basildon (Lab)
The noble Lord is right that Hezbollah is a proscribed
organisation. Its views are abhorrent and there is no place for
promoting the role or organisation of Hezbollah at all on the
streets of London. The Home Secretary has made comments on that,
making her views very clear and in a very strong way. People have
a right to peaceful protest and we should always respect
that—even when I sit in my office and can hear the amplified
voices across the road as I work. That is peaceful protest, but
when people stray beyond peaceful protest and support terrorism,
that is a different matter.
(Lab)
My Lords, we all know that, sooner or later, the dreadful
violence that has erupted in southern Israel, in Gaza and now in
Lebanon will subside. There will then be an uneasy truce and, as
sure as night follows day, the violence will occur again until
the fundamental problems of the region are addressed. The most
fundamental problem, surely, is that there cannot possibly be
peace in this part of the Middle East until the Palestinians
obtain what the Israelis achieved and love: a state of their own.
Until the Palestinians can receive that support, including from
this Government, I am afraid that the cycle of violence will just
go on and on.
of Basildon (Lab)
The noble Lord makes an important point about everybody in the
region feeling safe and secure. That is what the two-state
solution is: a safe and secure Israel and a strong and viable
state of Palestine. There is a lesson on this. At the beginning
of his comments, the noble Lord made a really telling remark
that, at some point—we want it to be sooner rather than
later—violence will subside and we will move towards peace and
negotiation. At no time can the countries involved in
negotiation, and in trying to reach the two-state solution, take
a step back and think, “It's quietened down now, we can forget
about it”. The point he makes is that we need constant vigilance
to ensure that, until we can guarantee the security and safety of
civilians across the region, we have to remain engaged. I take
very seriously the points he made on that.
(Con)
For some years now, we have had a British military programme,
with British military training teams training the Lebanese army
extremely successfully. Does the Leader of the House include the
remnants of those trainers, if we still have them in Lebanon, in
her calls to come away from that country now? If they are still
there, does she share my concern that they could be inadvertently
drawn into this conflict?
of Basildon (Lab)
I am not sighted on the issue of the trainers that the noble Lord
referred to, but he will know that our military personnel will
always act within international law, which is defensive. I will
double-check the point about whether we have anyone in the region
in that regard. I was looking hopefully at my noble friend the
Minister of State for Defence, who will come back to the noble
Lord and write to him with the details.
(Lab)
My Lords, I wonder if I might help the noble Baroness by
suggesting some kind of solution that we have not discussed
enough. I must thank her very much indeed for the wonderful way
she made that Statement. I am also grateful for the feelings
expressed around the House.
I have not spoken on this issue before, but I have numerous
family members in Israel, including my brother's family and
nephews, many friends, PhD students and scientific connections
who have helped us in my lab and have been there. There are also
many Arabs and Palestinians who have worked in my lab in London
and have been funded through various funds that we have raised
for them in London, as well as PhD students whom I have been
supporting in the West Bank and Gaza, so I have some reason to
speak briefly.
I want to suggest to the noble Baroness one thing that has
perhaps never really been understood. As Jews, we have been
pointed out as different, as everybody knows. Over many
generations and hundreds of years, Jews have felt eventually very
lonely and extremely alone. There is no question that if you look
at the Israeli mind now and speak to Israelis, they feel they are
finally alone. Many attempts have been made on both sides to
arrive at peace; since 1967, there have been so many attempts at
political solutions. Israel has come, eventually, to the awful
decision that the only solution for it is a military one.
The loneliness is massively increased by anti-Semitism; the noble
Lord, , was absolutely right.
Anti-Semitism is so widespread and really affects Israeli public
opinion. We need to get public opinion in Israel much more
understanding of how so many of us really feel. That, plus the
irregular and inappropriate reporting in our news media, is
something that we need to think about very clearly. Until that
happens, it is very difficult to have better dialogue; with that,
we might come to some conclusion where we could have better
chances of peace in the future.
of Basildon (Lab)
I am grateful to the noble Lord for the information about his
experiences in his medical field. I hope the message that has
gone out from this House and across the country is that Israel is
not alone. The expressions that have been made, the international
support and the discussions taking place are very clear that
Israel has a right to defend itself. Both Houses, in Statements
yesterday and today and throughout the conflict, have been clear
that we stand shoulder to shoulder in ensuring that Israel has a
right to defend itself. I hope that Israel and Jews across the
country understand that they are not alone, but we want to ensure
a peace throughout the region so that everybody, Arabs, Jews,
Muslims, Christians, people of all faiths and none, can live
together in peace—if not in harmony, at least in safety.
(Lab Co-op)
I want to say quickly that we are taking questions, and I want to
get as many noble Lords in as possible.
(Con)
My Lords, I thank the noble Baroness for the Statement and all
noble Lords who have spoken. There is one important fact which I
hope the noble Baroness can focus on. When the attack on Israel
happened, there was a majority of Jews who were tragically killed
by the abhorrent organisation that is Hamas—and now what we also
see from Hezbollah. But let us be clear, as one Muslim leader
said to me on my first visit to Israel after 7 October, that
there were 26 young Muslim attendees at that very festival.
Israel has a rich diversity; places such as Haifa and Jerusalem
reflect the three great Abrahamic faiths.
My question is specific to the role of Qatar; I am glad that the
noble Baroness, Lady Chapman, is sitting next to the noble
Baroness. Qatar is investing a lot, and, as my noble friend Lord
Howard has said, plays a crucial role in the release of hostages.
Can the noble Baroness update us on the specifics of the peace
agreements to bring about a ceasefire in Gaza? We were nearly
there, just before the Lebanon escalation, and the United States
was also very bullish in what are extremely challenging
circumstances.
of Basildon (Lab)
I thank the noble Lord for his comments. I think the whole House,
even those of us who were delighted by the election result, would
pay tribute to him for his work over many years and for the way
that he kept the House updated— I thank him for that. Engagement
with Qatar, which he is absolutely right to highlight, is ongoing
and we are very grateful for its support. It is a friend in the
region and that work continues.
The noble Lord's point about the Muslims who were killed in the
October attacks is profound. It illustrates how those who were
victims were bringing people together. That is the future: young
people, at a music festival, working across faiths and enjoying
each other's company. They paid a price for hatred. To get rid of
that hatred—the right reverend Prelate commented on this as
well—we have to go beyond the boundaries of our own faiths, not
just in the UK but throughout the world, to bring people
together. The point is sometimes lost, and I am grateful to the
noble Lord for making it, that Muslims were also killed in those
attacks. For the whole region, whatever someone's faith is is
irrelevant; the suffering is beyond any faith.
(LD)
Does the Leader agree that, at this time, it is of the greatest
importance that we have an independent, impartial media that can
provide analysis? That is needed more than ever. Does she share
my great surprise that, as I was informed by the head of the BBC
World Service, the BBC Arabic radio service in Lebanon has now
been closed as a result of funding restrictions? That spectrum
has been taken up by Russian state media. This is a time to
support the BBC World Service and to expand, not reduce, its
provision. I hope that the Leader will take this away for
discussion with her colleagues.
of Basildon (Lab)
I am a great admirer and fan of the BBC World Service and the
soft power that it has exercised across the world for many years
has been great. It was a great shame that the World Service was
rolled up into the last funding settlement that was undertaken
for the BBC. We are concerned about that and looking at it. I do
not make any commitments to the noble Lord, but we certainly
share his concern. That the vacuum has been filled by a Russian
player adds to the concern that I would have. I also agree with
him that it is important to have independent voices who are
respected in the region.
(CB)
My Lords, the Minister's words are much appreciated, but does she
agree with me that the hatred that has come about since 7
October, which has been widely commented on around the House, has
to some extent been fed by the BBC? There have recently been two
independent reports, one of which I co-signed, which pointed out
in great detail mistakes and bias on the part of the BBC. There
have been the most appalling statements on the BBC Arabic World
Service by people who hate Israel. Does the Minister agree that
it is time for an inquiry into the BBC's coverage? For example,
Jeremy Bowen casually reported that Israel had bombed a hospital.
This soon turned out to be untrue, but that statement, which he
never went back on, gave rise to more slaughter and hatred. It is
time for an inquiry into the BBC's impartiality on this
issue.
of Basildon (Lab)
The noble Baroness will understand that I am not going to accede
to her request for an inquiry, but I think that all news outlets
have a duty and responsibility to the truth. One thing I have
found difficult in the coverage of this conflict is its focus on
the destruction and hurt that have happened; I would like to see
some balance around the political efforts to reach a solution as
well. That would help people to understand what the conflict is
about. I think that many people watching the TV news are
obviously horrified, upset and distraught by what they see, but
there is no great understanding of the background to it and why
things are happening. All news outlets have a duty and a
responsibility to ensure that their reporting is accurate.
(Non-Afl)
My Lords, what evidence can the noble Baroness point to that
there is any desire on the part of the Iranian, Palestinian and
other terrorist proxies for a two-state solution? Ever since
Israel was founded, their determination has been to wipe it off
the map. Israel has tried and wants to live in peace, alongside
its neighbours. It was not occupying Gaza or Lebanon, but somehow
all that seems to have been forgotten, while Hamas builds its
terror infrastructure underneath the schools, mosques and
hospitals of its own people, seemingly deliberately to place them
in harm's way, to attack Israel from them and attract Israel to
retaliate. Israel does not wish to kill civilians; it wishes to
kill the people who want to wipe it off the map. Can the noble
Baroness tell the House what recognition there is that so much of
the responsibility for the civilian deaths is on Hamas, which is
the aggressor that chose this war, rather than Israel, which is
fighting for its very existence?
of Basildon (Lab)
In some ways, the noble Baroness has emphasised the point I made
a moment ago about people understanding the background of what
has happened. It looks and feels at times as if a two-state
solution will be impossible, but if we allow that to take hold,
we will never strive or make those efforts to achieve some peace
in the region. I cannot see any other way forward but diplomatic
solutions. She makes the point about people understanding what is
behind this; the very first question I answered today was on the
attacks on 7 October, and it was because of those attacks that
this wall of violence and terror has been unleashed, but there
have been similar intentions for a very long time. As the noble
Lord, , said, unless those intentions
are dealt with and addressed, we will not see a lasting peace.
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