The Minister of State, Ministry of Justice (Lord Timpson) (Lab) My
Lords, with the leave of the House, I will repeat a Statement made
in the House of Commons by the Lord Chancellor. Before I do so, I
will say that I look forward to addressing the House more fully
with my maiden speech during the debate on the King's most gracious
Speech. I understand that it is rare for a Minister in your
Lordships' House to take a Statement before giving their maiden
speech. However, given...Request free
trial
The Minister of State, Ministry of Justice () (Lab)
My Lords, with the leave of the House, I will repeat a Statement
made in the House of Commons by the Lord Chancellor. Before I do
so, I will say that I look forward to addressing the House more
fully with my maiden speech during the debate on the King's most
gracious Speech. I understand that it is rare for a Minister in
your Lordships' House to take a Statement before giving their
maiden speech. However, given the timely importance of the
subject at hand today, we thought it helpful to take this
Statement at the earliest opportunity.
I will now repeat the Statement:
“Mr Speaker, with permission, I will make a Statement about
prison capacity in England and Wales. As you know, I wanted to
make this announcement first in this House. However, given the
scale of the emergency facing our prisons, I was forced to set
out these measures before Parliament returned.
It has become clear, since this Government took office two weeks
ago, that our prisons are in crisis and are at the point of
collapse. The male prison estate has been running at over 99%
capacity for the last 18 months. We now know that my predecessor
warned No. 10 Downing Street but, rather than address this
crisis, the former Prime Minister called an election, leaving a
time bomb ticking away. If that bomb were to go off—if our
prisons were to run out of space—the courts would grind to a
halt, suspects could not be held in custody and police officers
would be unable to make arrests, leaving criminals free to act
without consequence. In short, if we fail to intervene now, we
face the prospect of a total breakdown of law and order.
Rather than act, the last Prime Minister allowed us to edge ever
closer to catastrophe. Last week, there were around 700 spaces
remaining in the male prison estate. With 300 places left, we
reach critical capacity. At that point, the smallest change could
trigger the chain of events I just set out. With the prison
population rising, it is now clear that by September this year
our prisons will overflow. That means there is now only one way
to avert disaster.
As the House knows, most of those serving standard determinate
sentences leave prison at the halfway point, serving the rest of
their sentence in the community. The Government now have no
option but to introduce a temporary change in the law. Yesterday,
we laid a statutory instrument in draft. Subject to the agreement
of both Houses, those serving eligible standard determinate
sentences will leave prison after serving 40%, rather than 50%,
of their sentence. Our impact assessment estimates that around
5,500 offenders will be released in September and October. From
that time until we are able to reverse this emergency measure,
40% will be the new point of automatic release for eligible
standard determinate sentences.
The Government do not take this decision lightly, but to disguise
reality and delay any further, as the last Government did, is
unconscionable. We are clear that this is the safest way forward.
In the words of the Metropolitan Police Commissioner, Sir Mark
Rowley, these steps are ‘the least worst option'. He said
that
‘the worst possible thing would be for the system to block',
and that any alternative to these measures would be ‘dangerous
for the public'.
I understand that some may feel worried by this decision, but I
can assure the House that we are taking every precaution
available to us. There will be important exclusions. Sentences
for the most dangerous crimes—for sexual and serious violent
offences—will not change. That will also be the case for a series
of offences linked to domestic violence, including stalking,
controlling or coercive behaviour and non-fatal strangulation, as
well as those related to national security.
We will also implement stringent protections. First, this change
will not take effect until early September, giving the Probation
Service time to prepare. Secondly, all offenders released will be
subject to strict licence conditions, to ensure they can be
managed safely in the community. Thirdly, offenders can be
ordered to wear electronic tags and curfews will be imposed where
appropriate.
Let me be clear: this is an emergency measure, not a permanent
change. This Government are clear that criminals must be
punished. We do not intend to allow the 40% release point to
stand in perpetuity. That is why I will review these measures
again, in 18 months' time, when the situation in our prisons will
have stabilised. Throughout, this Government will be transparent.
We will publish data on the number of offenders released
quarterly and we will publish an annual prison capacity
statement, legislating to make this a statutory requirement.
When we implement this change, we will stop the end of the
custody supervised licence scheme introduced by the last
Government. This scheme operated under a veil of secrecy. From
the Benches opposite, I was forced to demand more information
about who was being released and what crimes they had committed.
This Government have now released the data showing that over
10,000 offenders were released early, often with very little
warning to probation officers, placing them under enormous
strain. This was only ever a short-term fix. It was one of a
series of decisions this Government believe must be examined more
fully, which is why we are announcing a review into how this
capacity crisis was allowed to happen, looking at why the
necessary decisions were not taken at critical moments.
The measures I have set out today are not a silver bullet. The
capacity crisis will not disappear immediately, and these
measures will take time to take effect. But when they do, they
will give us the time to address the prisons crisis, not just
today but for years to come. This includes accelerating the
prison building programme to ensure we have the cells we need.
Later this year, we will publish a 10-year capacity strategy. It
will outline the steps that this Government will take to acquire
land for new prison sites and will be supported by this
Government's new planning and infrastructure Bill, which will
take control of the planning process. It will also classify
prisons as being of national importance, placing decision-making
in Ministers' hands. This Government are also committed to
longer-term reform and cutting reoffending.
Too often, our prisons create better criminals, not better
citizens. Nearly 80% of offending is reoffending, at immense cost
to communities and the taxpayer. As Lord Chancellor, my priority
is to drive that number down. To do that, this Government will
strengthen probation, starting with the recruitment of at least
1,000 new trainee probation officers by the end of March 2025. We
will work with prisons to improve offenders' access to learning
and other training, as well as bringing together prison
governors, local employers and the voluntary sector to get
ex-offenders into work. If an offender has a job within a year of
release, they are less likely to reoffend. It is only by driving
down reoffending that we will find a sustainable solution to the
prisons crisis.
In a speech last week, I called the last occupants of 10 Downing
Street ‘the guilty men'. I did not use that analogy flippantly. I
believe that they placed the country in grave danger. Their
legacy is a prison system in crisis, moments from catastrophic
disaster. It was only by pure luck, and the heroic efforts of
prison and probation staff, that disaster did not strike while
they were in office. The legacy of this Government will be
different: a prison system brought under control; a Probation
Service that keeps the public safe; enough prison places to meet
our needs; and prisons, probation and other services working
together to break the cycle of reoffending.
I never thought that I would have to announce the measures that I
have set out today, but this Government have been forced by the
scale of this emergency to act now rather than delaying any
longer, because this Government will always put the country and
its safety first. I commend this Statement to the House”.
4.10pm
of Dirleton (Con)
My Lords, I welcome the noble Lord, of Manley, to his place on
the Front Bench. Repeating a Statement has always struck me as
one of the odder things that one has to do from the Front Bench,
and I congratulate him on having completed it. I also have a
further degree of sympathy with him in his opening outing in your
Lordships' Chamber. When I gave my maiden speech, I had to speak
half of it as a maiden speech and half of it on a Bill, prompting
my noble and learned friend to say, “I very
much enjoyed half of the Minister's speech”. However, I look
forward to welcoming properly the noble Lord to his place on the
occasion of his maiden speech, which he is shortly to
deliver.
The strain on prison capacity has been a matter of anxious
concern for Parliament for some time, and the matter was brought
frequently before your Lordships' House in the course of the last
Parliament. This is an area of great complexity, in which the
actions of the Government of the day must take into account
considerations over which they have no control, and should never
seek to have control—such as decisions taken by the independent
judiciary on sentencing, carried out on a case-by-case basis, to
arrive at a sentence apt for the individual circumstances of the
case and the need at once to protect the public, to punish, to
deter and to rehabilitate.
It also has to reflect the physical capacity of the prison estate
to accommodate prisoners. There is an inevitable tension between
the need to protect the public by imprisoning serious offenders
and the need to have sufficient provision of prison accommodation
and staff so that the crucial function of rehabilitation might be
best accomplished. It is liable to be upset by sudden
contingencies, such as the closure of HM Prison Dartmoor and the
effect that had on the number of available places on the
estate.
At all times, the previous Government sought to manage this
difficult problem in a manner which addressed all concerns while
reflecting their paramount concern: the safety of the public.
That is why, during the pandemic, in circumstances wholly without
precedent, the previous Government made the decision not to order
a mass release of prisoners from our jails, as happened in other
countries and as was pressed on us by public health experts and
others. I acknowledge immediately that we were supported in that
steadfastly by the then Opposition, who now sit on the Government
Front Bench. Events demonstrated that that was the correct
decision. During the pandemic, we maintained that vital safeguard
of our liberties which we all enjoy: trial by jury.
However, all that added to the pressure on the prison estate: the
numbers of those remanded pending trial or sentencing increased
from around 9,000 to 16,500. The previous Government acted to
allow longer sentences for the most serious crimes, conscious of
the possible strain on prison places, and acted at all times to
reflect the overriding necessity of protecting the law-abiding
public and reflecting their concerns that punishment should
properly reflect the gravity of the crime for which it is
imposed.
The previous Government also acted responsibly and with foresight
to address the capacity of the prison system in England and
Wales. The biggest prison-building programme since the 19th
century was commenced. During the last Government, more than
13,000 additional prison places were created, two new prisons
were opened, a third is under construction at present, planning
permission has been granted for two more and a decision is
imminent on another. Some £30 million was allocated for the
purchase of land on which prison construction could take
place.
On probation, a detailed Statement was made to the other place
and repeated in your Lordships' House on 13 March. I repeat some
of the details: additional funding for probation of £155 million;
more than 4,000 trainee probation officers beginning their
training; and probation practice redirected to areas which bring
the best results in reducing reoffending, as well as public
protection.
When the Lord Chancellor says that she will recruit at least
1,000 new trainee probation officers, is that in addition to
those that we announced? Will the Government commit more funds to
recruitment and training of probation officers? We do not see any
acknowledgement of that in the Lord Chancellor's Statement. She
professes to find herself shocked by what she discovered on
taking up office about the pressures on the system, but the
figures on the prison population in England and Wales were not
only widely publicly available during the last Parliament but
matters of urgent debate here and in the other place. They can
have come as a surprise to no one.
The previous Government left the new Government with no ticking
time bomb, but the Lord Chancellor's Statement prompts real
concern for public safety. These Benches will watch what develops
with anxious concern. In the Statement, she made a promise to be
transparent in a way that she says the previous Government simply
were not. In the spirit of that transparency, I pose certain
questions.
Does the Minister agree with the position outlined from the
Liberal Democrat Front Bench in the other place by MP that prisons should
be used less? It is a perfectly defensible position which is
perfectly capable of being argued. We do not agree with it on
these Benches, but do the Government? If they do, how do they
intend to deal with violent crime, rapists, persistent offenders
who have no fear of the system and the epidemic of benefit and
financial fraud which the country is experiencing? Does the
Minister agree that it is easier to speak about community
alternatives to custody than to devise ones which are not
expensive to operate and difficult to organise and command the
support of the public and the judiciary?
We heard from the Lord Chancellor of the safety measures on which
she relies in relation to this new measure of early release. I
submit that she does nothing more than rehearse safeguards which
already exist. She speaks of strict licensing conditions,
electronic tagging and curfews where appropriate. These are
familiar measures, deployed to support prisoners released on
licence. They are measures of long standing. The Lord Chancellor
announces a policy which will understandably create concerns for
public safety and then, to allay concerns arising from that new
policy, founds a series of safeguards that already exist. That is
nothing new.
The Lord Chancellor offered specific reassurance on crimes of
domestic violence in the debate that followed her Statement.
Before too long, I hope that we will hear from her about the
significance of other crimes, such as those relating to public
order, the need to maintain our civic spaces and free
thoroughfares and the need to protect our retail sector and those
working in it from those who try to dictate to us what we should
buy and from whom. We look forward to hearing from her on these
matters.
I wonder whether the Lord Chancellor would agree with that great
man of the left, George Orwell, about the harmful properties of
stale, clichéd language and dead metaphor. Her Statement gives us
“ticking time bomb”, “silver bullet”, “veil of secrecy”, “the
guilty men” and much more tired language besides. Orwell's point
is that such language not only serves to disguise meaning or
conceal the absence of content in a statement but has actively
harmful effects on the reader by helping to deaden not only the
capacity for clarity of expression but the capacity for clarity
of thought. It is inevitable that we express ourselves in such a
way in politics—and I certainly would not hold up my own
contributions to this House as models—but the Lord Chancellor's
Statement was filled with cliché. Can we see clarity from the
Government?
of Henley-on-Thames (LD)
My Lords, we too welcome the Minister to his new role, and we
look forward to his official maiden speech later today with
enthusiasm, not least because we have for a number of years on
these Benches cited his ground- breaking commitment in his
business and more generally to the rehabilitation of prisoners
through training and employment.
However, to say we welcome this Statement would be inaccurate,
because it reflects a complete failure of our prison system, but
we recognise the emergency and, with it, the need for the
measures announced in the Statement. We also endorse the
Statement's serious criticisms of the last Government's
performance; they allowed, encouraged and created the present
prison capacity crisis. I disagree with the noble and learned
Lord, of Dirleton, for whom I have
the greatest respect, as to the foresight, commitment and care of
the last Government on this issue, which was sadly lacking.
On these Benches, and on the Labour Benches, we warned of this
crisis during the last Parliament over and over again, but the
Government carried on in the same old way, filling our prisons to
bursting and failing to address the disastrous conditions within
them.
The Government's stated aim is that the 40% early release point
should not stand in perpetuity and is to be reviewed in 18
months' time. We agree with that and that this process will be a
slow one, but progress is thoroughly necessary. A wholesale
programme of prison reform is needed. We imprison far too many
people in this country for far too long. We have seen significant
sentence inflation over recent years, and it is no good just
blaming the judges for passing longer sentences; government
legislation on sentencing and later release dates has
significantly increased prisoner numbers. We need more use of
community sentences and that means more probation officers—we
welcome the commitment in the Statement to an urgent recruitment
programme. However, to echo the question from the noble and
learned Lord, , does that include a
commitment to fully funding an increased overall number of
probation officers?
Our prisons are desperately overcrowded; cells are packed to well
over capacity; temporary prefab cells are used; repairs and
maintenance are cancelled. Cells that should not be in service
are brought back into use. Prisoners are shuffled around the
prison estate at the expense of continuity of training and
supervision. Understaffing remains acute, with insufficient
officers to manage our prisons, even to get prisoners to where
they need to be for education and training courses when they are
available. Twenty-two hours daily in overcrowded cells has become
the new commonplace within our prison system, which has led to
mental health issues, serious violence and massive drug abuse.
When will we introduce mandatory drugs checks for everyone
entering prisons, staff as well as visitors? There is ample
evidence that too many drugs enter prisons in the hands of
members of staff who give their colleagues a bad name and
seriously damage morale.
The prison building programme set out to provide 20,000 new
places under the last Government, but, of those, some 4,000
already counted as present capacity. Only Millsike in Yorkshire,
with just 1,500 places, is approaching completion next year.
Grendon in Buckinghamshire now at least has planning permission
for another 1,500 places, but in the other sites not a brick has
been laid. Two prisons at Gartree and Chorley are still in the
planning process, and two near Braintree have not even been
decided on yet. The whole promised programme of the last
Government involved double counting and smoke and mirrors. The
new Government's programme is welcome, and so is the caution and
moderation with which the Statement stressed it—but it is
crucial.
On any view, the last Government's building programme could not
possibly keep up with the projected rise in prison numbers—17,000
more places needed in three years on present trends. The only
answer is to reverse those trends; reduce reoffending, emphasise
reform and rehabilitation as the function of prisons and do all
we can to reduce prison numbers. Does the Minister agree?
(Lab)
My Lords, I start by thanking the noble and learned Lord, , and the noble Lord, of Henley-on-Thames, for their
questions. This is my first time in this House answering
questions, so I apologise in advance should I not respect any of
the customs and courtesies of the House by mistake. Having not
even done my maiden speech yet, this feels to me like having a
first ski lesson on a black run. I thank noble Lords for their
patience and will do my best to answer all their questions.
The noble and learned Lord, , raised a point on the
sentencing review that we are planning. The sentencing framework
has been allowed to develop piecemeal, over time. As a result,
there have been inconsistencies that do not make sense to victims
or the wider public. We will be launching a review of sentencing.
While the terms of reference are not yet defined, this will look
to ensure that the sentencing framework is consistent and clear
to the public. More details of this review will be announced in
due course.
On HMP Dartmoor, one of the first roles that I have had since
taking on this job is focusing on prison capacity. It was
unfortunate that I had a note from my officials regarding the
temporary closure of HMP Dartmoor at a time when we really need
capacity. At Dartmoor, safety is our number one priority. After
close monitoring of the situation, it has been decided that the
prison will temporarily close. I will update the House as the
situation develops.
This Government are committed to a 10-year capacity strategy, and
we recognise that we need to make sure that this country has the
prison places that it needs. We will deliver where the previous
Government failed, and we will never allow the planning process
to get in the way of having the prisons we need.
Talking about the prisons we need, we need to build more prisons,
because we need to keep the public safe, but one of the themes
also raised is around reducing reoffending. I have been working
on this for the last 22 years, finding ways to recruit people
from prison to help them get a job, live a normal life and not
reoffend. This is not a quick fix—it takes time—but recruiting
1,000 probation officers is a good start. These will be in
addition to the probation staff we have now.
Only late last week, I went to the Camden and Islington probation
delivery unit and met the team there, which was preparing to deal
with the offenders who were being released in September and
October. I was delighted at the commitment, focus and
professionalism of this team, and I am confident that they will
do their best in very difficult circumstances.
On training, I do not know about probation officers but, just
before I came into this role, I completed a review for the
Government on prison officer training. It was clear to me where
the gaps were, and I am looking forward to working with
colleagues in the months ahead to see what can be learned not
just for prison officers but for probation officers.
On safeguards put in place for early release, the scheme
currently in place is a very rushed and disorganised way of
releasing people from prison, which puts extra pressure on
probation officers to do all the work they need to do to identify
victims, to find places to live, and to connect the offenders up
with mental health and drug workers. The eight weeks that they
now have to prepare for the releases will make this easier, but
it is far from perfect.
The 40% early release scheme will be reviewed and, in 18 months'
time, the plan is for it to go back to 50%, but the noble Lord is
right when he says that we need a wholesale programme of prison
reform. Community sentences are vital, but we need to resolve the
capacity crisis we have now, because our probation officers are
overworked. The recruiting of 1,000 extra probation officers will
help, but they also need time for the system to settle down.
Finally, I will mention training and education. Prisons are not
places where we want people just to be locked up. We want them to
have opportunities to turn their lives around. A lot of that is
around training and learning skills, so that when they are
released they can have a job and not go back. Some 80% of people
who offend are reoffenders. It is hard to do this well in the
current crisis, but I emphasise that I look forward to working
with the noble and learned Lord and the noble Lord and having
countless important debates. I stress to all noble Lords that I
will write a letter, which might be quite a long one, on all the
points I did not answer today.
4.30pm
(Lab)
My Lords, I commend my noble friend on getting through his maiden
Statement, and in particular for answering the questions so
concisely and clearly. He of all people, as he has already
referred to, is fully aware of the big challenges of
rehabilitation and avoiding reoffending and, therefore, recall.
Would he be prepared to talk to his right honourable friend the
Secretary of State and, I hope, Ministers in the Department for
Work and Pensions and the Ministry of Housing, Communities and
Local Government about the very real challenge of additional
large numbers being released into local communities in September
and October, to avoid homelessness and to ensure that there is
not a return to prison, which all of us fear?
(Lab)
I thank my noble friend for the question. It is crucial that
people leaving prison have somewhere to live. Having been in this
space for a number of years, I have met too many people who have
left prison—I have seen them outside the gate—and there is no one
to meet them, they have nowhere to live and nowhere to stay that
night. It is not surprising that the revolving door often means
they come back in. I will take my noble friend's questions away
and get back to him. I know we are meeting very soon.
(CB)
I also welcome the noble Lord to his post. He said that the
Probation Service is overworked, so what will the Government do
to help it immediately to deal with the 40% situation coming in
September?
(Lab)
Recruiting 1,000 extra probation officers will take time. From
conversations with the probation officers that I have recently
met, I know that we are asking a lot of them, but they are
confident that they can manage the influx of offenders in
September and October safely. In the longer term, they need the
extra colleagues and a system that is more stable.
Lord Clarke of Nottingham (Con)
My Lords, I welcome very warmly the noble Lord to his position,
and congratulate him and his family company on the most
remarkable work they have done for the past two decades in
protecting the public by rehabilitating so many people who would
otherwise have gone on to commit more crimes and settle down to a
life of criminality. Other firms have done the same things, but
Timpson, as I saw myself when I was Justice Secretary and before
that when I was Home Secretary—I was responsible for prisons on
both occasions—did quite remarkable work. We need more of that
kind of opportunity for those who wish to be rehabilitated and to
contribute in future.
Does the noble Lord agree that the level of sentencing and the
rate of incarceration have steadily increased in this country at
a quite extraordinary rate in the 30 years since I held those
offices, and even more remarkably since the many years ago when I
practised at the criminal Bar? Although it is right that the
public are entitled to see just retribution and punishment for
crime, does he agree that it is equally important that the
criminal justice system tries to stop these men and women
reoffending, and gives whatever support is available to those
willing to be reformed to lead honest lives and therefore not
create victims of future crime? That is just as important as the
punishment.
I will not go on. I give the noble Lord cross-party support; I
agree with every word that he and the Liberal Democrat spokesman
have said so far. I hope that the new prisons that he has to
build will be designed to provide space for rehabilitation,
training and the civilised opportunities that I am sure he wishes
to provide. I am sure he agrees that the long-term answer is not
just to lock up more and more people and have massive building
programmes going on and on, with ever more people turning to
crime as soon as they are released.
(Lab)
I thank the noble Lord; if he stays around long enough, he may
find a mention of himself in my maiden speech—a positive one. So
far as finding work, when I first started recruiting people from
prison, I was the only one knocking on the gates of the prison.
We now have a good problem: that so many companies have
recognised that there are talented people who want to leave
prison and get a job that it has become a very competitive
process. That is a positive thing.
We will conduct a sentencing review; it needs to focus on cutting
crime, and to be consistent and coherent. The noble Lord asked
about the new design of prisons. Two weeks ago we went to Five
Wells, a very new prison just outside Wellingborough. The
facilities it has really help to reduce reoffending; it has
fantastic workshops and educational facilities, and the
maintenance bills are much lower. I look forward to having the
conversations again that we had probably 15 years ago.
The Lord
My Lords, I too welcome the noble Lord, Lord Timpson—someone so
brilliantly equipped for the task. I welcome this Statement and
all the good sense contained in it as we lift this immediate
crisis. I am all for new prison places, as long as they are not
in addition to all the crumbling prison places. It was wonderful
to hear him offer assurance that increased prison capacity will
not become the main aim but rather, if I heard correctly, that we
will have the courage to look at a whole-systems approach in a
solution-focused way.
One of my concerns in all this is that unless we change the
public perception and public narrative, we will not have support.
Can the noble Lord say something about the thinking about how we
change public education and perception, so that people understand
what prison is for and not for, that two-thirds of people in
prison are there for non-violent offences, and that we need to
look upstream?
(Lab)
I thank the right reverend Prelate. New prison places are
important and we will build more prisons—prisons we are proud of.
So far as the public narrative goes, I could not agree more, but
I have confidence in the fact that 20 years ago, when I first
started recruiting people from prison, no one thought it was a
good idea. Now, every company I meet thinks it is a good idea. It
proves that changing perception when it comes to offenders and
prisons takes time. I hope to be in this role longer than many
other people who have done my role, and to be able to get into
the detail and try to get prisons we are proud of.
(Lab)
My Lords, I welcome the noble Lord, , to the Dispatch Box as the
Minister for Prisons, Parole and Probation. From the noise the
House made earlier, I think I am not alone in thinking that he is
probably the best man for the job. I suppose I should draw
attention to my entry in the register of interests; I am a
non-practising member of the Faculty of Advocates. In fact, I
presently have another interest that I suppose is not yet
registered, in that I have a pair of shoes in my local Timpson
for repair.
Speaking to Channel 4 News earlier this year, my noble friend
said that in his view only one-third of people in prison needed
to be there. In order to emphasise that radically reducing the
prison population is not impossible, he added that the
Netherlands had halved its prison population while reducing
crime. That contradicts what I think the noble and learned Lord,
of Dirleton, implied in what
I can describe only as a plea in mitigation on behalf of the
previous Government, which was that these two things were
impossible. I know the Minister has studied this. How did the
Netherlands manage to reduce crime and reduce the prison
population by almost half?
(Lab)
Before we look at any other countries and international
comparisons, we need to fix the system we have first. Before we
can do anything on reducing reoffending and having prisons we are
proud of, we need to stabilise the system. It is our first
priority. We need to fix it, and we need to fix the capacity so
that we do not have this problem again. We need to enable our
fantastic staff in our prisons and Probation Services to do what
they want to do, to put the building blocks in place so people
who go to prison have a much better chance of not going back.
(Con)
My Lords, the Minister has a great deal of personal experience to
give, and his presence is greatly to be welcomed. I support the
policy that he has announced; it is sensible in the
circumstances. But, if it is to be safe, there needs to be proper
provision for the accommodation and employment of released
prisoners. Can he be a little more specific about that?
(Lab)
Having somewhere to live when someone is released from prison is
vital, and we are planning to continue with all the schemes that
are currently in place, including the 84 nights that are
scheduled for people who leave prison. One of my concerns is that
recently, because capacity has been so constrained, hard-working
prison and probation staff have not always been able to manage
the transition from prison to the community as well as I would
like to see in future.
(LD)
My Lords, I warmly welcome the noble Lord to his new role and to
this House. His considerable experience and reputation go before
him and he is highly respected as a man who lives his values.
Having said that, it has to be said that he has inherited a
crock, and I am afraid it is not a crock of gold.
The Minister paints a truly horrific picture of the situation now
facing this country and we on this side are looking forward to
working with him constructively over the next parliamentary term.
In time, we can further reduce the prison population by
implementing the recommendations of the Justice Select Committee
and conducting a resentencing exercise for the unfortunate
indeterminate sentence prisoners still stuck in a limbo of
uncertainty. Will the IPP sentencing review include indeterminate
sentence prisoners? I know that is perhaps a discussion for
another day, but right now we can do little other than agree to
the release, with suitable support and safety conditions, of
certain categories of prisoners who are towards the end of their
tariff to make room for other individuals who present more of a
threat to society.
(Lab)
I am well aware of the issues around indeterminate sentences for
public protection. I know that matter is of great interest to
noble Lords. It would not be appropriate to make changes in
relation to IPP prisoners, because they are a different order of
public protection risk. I am determined to make more progress on
IPP prisoners. As I say, we will build on the work done by the
previous Government. We worked constructively with the previous
Administration on sensible changes that could be made in the
safest possible way for the public. Those changes were on the
licence period and the action plan, and we will crack on with
that as a new Government. Any changes that we make to the regime
for that type of sentence, which has rightly been abolished, must
be done while balancing the public protection risk, which we
would never take lightly.
(CB)
My Lords, I welcome the Minister to his new role. I want to bring
up the issue of Dartmoor prison; I live six miles from it and
have been very involved with it for over 30 years. The
significance is that 175 people will be moved within the next two
weeks. Does that mean there will be only 525 male places
available in England? How long will it take to reopen Dartmoor,
if at all? If it is not to be reopened, what are we to do to
ensure that the skills and expertise there are used elsewhere in
the prison service? Because of the potential challenges to the
local economy, can we seriously consider a new prison somewhere
nearby?
(Lab)
I thank the noble Baroness, Lady Watkins, for her question.
Interestingly, this week I have heard of Members of Parliament in
the other place complaining about people wanting to build a new
prison in their area, and then people also complaining that we
are closing prisons in their area.
The circumstances at Dartmoor are exceptional and it is a very
unfortunate situation that we are in. We spoke to the Prison
Officers' Association, which I met last week to discuss our plans
to support the workforce there. It has been a very successful
prison, as I am sure the noble Baroness is aware; it has been
very well run and has had very good outcomes. We need to make
sure that we retain the talented staff who are there. I have also
spoken to the local MP to assure him that we will inform him of
everything we know as soon as it happens, and that we will
maintain the prison while it is temporarily closed so it will be
ready to be reopened if we can.
(Con)
My Lords, I declare an interest as a trustee of the Prison Reform
Trust, which is already known to the Minister. Will he accept
that it was a great pity that, under the last Labour Government—
I was shadow Prisons Minister during part of that time—a large
number of prison farms and gardens and equally rehabilitative
facilities were closed, allowing prisoners to leave prison unable
to get jobs with Timpson and indeed unable to get jobs at all?
Will he make it a point that, first, he gets direct access to the
Prime Minister on prisons policy—without that, he may drift—and
that, secondly, he will reintroduce prison farms and gardens and
introduce purposeful activity in our prisons? There are too many
prisoners sitting in cramped cells, essentially living in a
shared lavatory, when they ought to be getting out, training,
reading, writing and learning how to fend for themselves once
they have left prison.
(Lab)
I used to see the noble and learned Lord, , at the other end of a much
smaller table when I was chair of the Prison Reform Trust. He sat
in the middle on the right. This time he is straight in front of
me.
(Con)
I am still on the right.
(Lab)
He is still on the right. In fact, he never sat on the left.
I accept that farms and gardens are very positive in prison
environments. In fact, one of the prisons I visited recently is
HMP Haverigg, a prison that Prisons Ministers rarely visit at all
at the far end of Cumbria. One of my goals in this role is to go
and see the prisons that Prisons Ministers have never been to. At
Haverigg there is a big focus on gardening and market gardening,
which creates not just extra skills but a great nurturing
environment for the prisoners there. It is also a source of
income, because they have a little shop at the gate. That is
something I am a big fan of and I will be ensuring that we do all
we can to support that
(GP)
I welcome the Minister to his place; it is a brilliant stroke by
the Labour Government. However, I did not quite understand his
reply on the IPP prisoners. Clearly there is an injustice there
that needs to be sorted as fast as possible. It was created by
the last Labour Government, so it would be appropriate for the
current Labour Government to sort it out as quickly as
possible.
(Lab)
The situation with IPP prisoners is of great concern. I know that
huge numbers of Members on both sides of the House care about it
deeply, and I share that concern. IPP prisoners are not caught by
the changes that we are putting forward. I have spent a lot of
time talking to IPP prisoners inside and outside prison—in fact,
in my previous role a number of IPP prisoners were colleagues—so
I know the complexity of the issues involved. I also know that we
as a House need to be determined to find all that we can do to
support IPP prisoners and their families, and to make sure that
we still maintain safety.
(Con)
My Lords, will the Minister have an early meeting with his
opposite number in the Department of Health, because the NHS has
responsibility for prison health services? I regret that it is
not always its highest priority, and the prisons are full, as the
Minister will know, of people with long-term conditions,
including physical and mental health problems. It is essential
that they are given appropriate health understanding. Lastly,
whenever he visits a prison, will he see whether he can find time
to meet the chaplain? The chaplain has a unique role, supporting
staff and families, as well as prisoners.
(Lab)
I thank the noble Baroness. I often meet chaplains when I go into
prisons. The last time I had a long meeting with one was in
Belmarsh, at a small part of the prison where terminally ill
prisoners were living. I thought the kindness and compassion that
they had was wonderful to see. As for health commissioning in
prisons, one of the things that I want to work on in this role is
understanding how commissioning works in prisons, as well as
supporting governors, who are often managing multi-million- pound
contracts, so that they can ensure that things are working well
and people are accountable for what they do.
Perhaps I could leave your Lordships with one thing that I have
seen in the last few years to support people with challenges. It
was in Wakefield prison, where an autism wing has been set up.
When the prisoners were put in this unit, having been very
disruptive and moved around the estate all the time, they were
very calm. They stayed there and made the whole prison
environment much better. I agree that a lot needs to be done.
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